Bantu distinguished from Khoe by uniparental markers, not genome-wide autosomal admixture

bantu-expansion

The role of matrilineality in shaping patterns of Y chromosome and mtDNA sequence variation in southwestern Angola, by Oliveira et al. bioRxiv (2018).

Interesting excerpts (emphasis mine):

The origins of NRY diversity in SW Angola

In accordance with our previous mtDNA study9, the present NRY analysis reveals a major division between the Kx’a-speaking !Xun and the Bantu-speaking groups, whose paternal genetic ancestry does not display any old remnant lineages, or a clear link to pre-Bantu eastern African migrants introducing Khoe-Kwadi languages and pastoralism into southern Africa (cf. 15). This is especially evident in the distribution of the eastern African subhaplogroup E1b1b1b2b29, which reaches the highest frequency in the !Xun (25%) and not in the formerly Kwadi-speaking Kwepe (7%). This observation, together with recent genome-wide estimates of 9-22% of eastern African ancestry in other Kx’a and Tuu-speaking groups35, suggests that eastern African admixture was not restricted to present-day Khoe-Kwadi speakers. Alternatively, it is likely that the dispersal of pastoralism and Khoe-Kwadi languages involved a series of punctuated contacts that led to a wide variety of cultural, genetic and linguistic outcomes, including possible shifts to Khoe-Kwadi by originally Bantu-speaking peoples36.

Although traces of an ancestral pre-Bantu population may yet be found in autosomal genome-wide studies, the extant variation in both uniparental markers strongly supports a scenario in which all groups of the Angolan Namib share most of their genetic ancestry with other Bantu groups but became increasingly differentiated within the highly stratified social context of SW African pastoral societies11.

bantu-pastoralists
Y chromosome phylogeny, haplogroup distribution and map of the sampling locations. The phylogenetic tree was reconstructed in BEAST based on 2,379 SNPs and is in accordance with the known Y chromosome topology. Main haplogroup clades and their labels are shown with different colors. Age estimates are reported in italics near each node, with the TMRCA of main haplogroups shown with their corresponding color. A map of the sampling locations, re-used with permission from Oliveira et al. (2018) 9, is shown on the bottom left, and the haplogroup distribution per population is shown on the bottom right, with color-coding corresponding to the phylogenetic tree.

The influence of socio-cultural behaviors on the diversity of NRY and mtDNA

A comparison of the NRY variation with previous mtDNA results for the same groups 9 identifies three main sex-specific patterns. First, gene flow from the Bantu into the !Xun is much higher for male than for female lineages (31% NRY vs. 3% mtDNA), similar to the reported male-biased patterns of gene flow from Bantu to Khoisan-speaking groups33, and from non-Pygmies to Pygmies in Central Africa 37. A comparable trend, involving exclusive introgression of NRY eastern African lineages into the !Xun (25%) was also found. (…)

Secondly, the levels of intrapopulation diversity in the Bantu-speaking peoples from the Namib were found to be consistently higher for mtDNA than for the NRY, reflecting the marked association between the Bantu expansion and the relatively young NRY E1b1a1a1 haplogroup, which has no parallel in mtDNA25,39. (…)

In the context of the Bantu expansions, these patterns have been mostly interpreted as the result of polygyny and/or higher levels of assimilation of females from resident forager communities38,40. However, most groups from the Angolan Namib are only mildly polygynous11 and ethnographic data suggest that the actual rates of polygyny in many populations may be insufficient to significantly reduce Nem2,41. In addition, the finding of a large Nef/ Nem ratio in the Himba (Fig. S5), who have almost no Khoisan-related mtDNA lineages9, indicates that female biased introgression cannot fully explain the observed patterns.

An alternative explanation may be sought in the prevailing matrilineal descent rules, which might have created a sex-specific structuring effect, similar to that proposed for patrilineal groups from Central Asia (…)

bantu-xun-plot
Bayesian skyline plots (BSP) of effective population size change through time, based on mtDNA (red) and the NRY (black). Thick lines show the mean estimates and dashed lines show the 95% HPD intervals. The vertical line highlights the 2 ky before present mark. Effective sizes are plotted on a log scale. Generation times of 25 and 31 years were assumed for mtDNA and the NRY, respectively32.

The third important sex-specific pattern observed in this study is the much lower amount of between-group differentiation for NRY than for mtDNA among Bantu-speaking populations (4.4% NRY vs. 20.2% mtDNA), in spite of the patrilocal residence patterns of all ethnic groups (Table S5). This difference can hardly be explained by unequal levels of introgression of “Khoisan” mtDNA lineages into the Bantu, since the percentage of mtDNA variation remains high (18.8%) when the Kuvale, who have high frequencies of “Khoisan”-related mtDNA, are excluded from the comparisons. It therefore seems more plausible that differentiation is higher in the mtDNA simply because there is more ancestral mtDNA than NRY variation that can be sorted among different populations (see 45). Moreover, due to the matriclanic organization of all Bantu-speaking communities, factors enhancing inter-group differentiation, like kin-structured migration and kin-structured founder effects46, would have been restricted to mtDNA. Finally, it is also likely that the discrepancy between among-group divergence of mtDNA and NRY might have been influenced by higher migration rates in males than females. In fact, although all Bantu-speaking populations have patrilocal residence patterns, the observance of endogamy rules severely constrains the between-group mobility of females. In this context, the children from extramarital unions involving members from different populations tend to be raised in the mother’s group, effectively increasing male versus female migration rates. Moreover, it is likely that, in the highly hierarchized setting of the Namib, most intergroup extramarital unions would involve men from dominant groups and women from peripatetic communities. This hypothesis is indirectly supported by the finding that in NRY-based clusters (but not in mtDNA) pastoralist populations are grouped together with peripatetic communities that share their cultural traits (Figs. S6 and 3b), suggesting that migration of NRY lineages follows a path that is similar to horizontally transmitted cultural features.

Related:

Tales of Human Migration, Admixture, and Selection in Africa

african-migrations

Comprehensive review (behind paywall) Tales of Human Migration, Admixture, and Selection in Africa, by Carina M. Schlebusch & Mattias Jakobsson, Annual Review of Genomics and Human Genetics (2018), Vol. 9.

Abstract (emphasis mine):

In the last three decades, genetic studies have played an increasingly important role in exploring human history. They have helped to conclusively establish that anatomically modern humans first appeared in Africa roughly 250,000–350,000 years before present and subsequently migrated to other parts of the world. The history of humans in Africa is complex and includes demographic events that influenced patterns of genetic variation across the continent. Through genetic studies, it has become evident that deep African population history is captured by relationships among African hunter–gatherers, as the world’s deepest population divergences occur among these groups, and that the deepest population divergence dates to 300,000 years before present. However, the spread of pastoralism and agriculture in the last few thousand years has shaped the geographic distribution of present-day Africans and their genetic diversity. With today’s sequencing technologies, we can obtain full genome sequences from diverse sets of extant and prehistoric Africans. The coming years will contribute exciting new insights toward deciphering human evolutionary history in Africa.

Regarding potential Afroasiatic origins and expansions:

It is currently believed that farming practices in northeastern and eastern Africa developed independently in the Sahara/Sahel (around 7,000 BP) and the Ethiopian highlands (7,000–4,000 BP), while farming in the Nile River Valley developed as a consequence of the Neolithic Revolution in the Middle East (84). Northeastern and eastern African farmers today speak languages from the Afro-Asiatic and Nilo-Saharan linguistic groups, which is also reflected in their genetic affinities (Figure 3, K=6). In the northern parts of East Africa (South Sudan, Somalia, and Ethiopia), Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic speakers with farming lifeways have completely replaced hunter–gatherers. It is still largely unclear how farming and herding practices influenced the northeastern African prefarming population structure and whether the spread of farming is better explained by demic or cultural diffusion in this part of the world. Genetic studies of contemporary populations and aDNA have started to provide some insights into population continuity and incoming gene flow in this region of Africa.

african-demographic-history
Demographic model of African history and estimated divergences. (a) Population split times, hierarchy, and population sizes (summarized from 123). Horizontal width represents population size; horizontal colored lines represent migrations, with down-pointing triangles indicating admixture into another group. (b) Population structure analysis at 5 assumed ancestries (K=5) for 93 African and 6 non-African populations. Non-Africans (brown), East Africans (blue), West Africans ( green), central African hunter–gatherers (light blue), and Khoe-San (red ) populations are sorted according to their broad historical distributions.

For example, studies have shown that a back-migration from Eurasia into Africa affected most of northeastern and eastern Africa (36, 46, 53, 89, 132) (Figure 1b). A genetic baseline of eastern African ancestral genetic variation unaffected by recent Eurasian admixture and farming migrations within the last 4,500 years has been suggested in the form of the genome sequence of a 4,500-year-old individual from Mota, Ethiopia (36). Based on comparisons with the ancient Mota genome, we know that certain populations from northeastern Africa show deep continuity in their local area with very limited gene flow resulting from recent population movements. For example, the Nilotic herder populations from South Sudan (e.g., Dinka, Nuer, and Shilluk) appear to have remained relatively isolated over time and received little to no gene flow from Eurasians, West African Bantu-speaking farmers, and other surrounding groups (53) (Figures 2 and 3). By contrast, the Nubian and Arab populations to their north show gene flow with Eurasians, which has been connected to the Arab expansion (53). The Nubian, Arab, and Beja populations of northeastern Africa roughly display equal admixture fractions from a local northeastern African gene pool (similar to the Nilotic component) and an incoming Eurasian migrant component (53) (Figure 3). The Eurasian component has been linked to the Middle East and the Arab migration, but only the Arab groups shifted to the Semitic languages; the Nubians and Beja groups kept their original languages. The Eurasian gene flow appears to have spread from north to south along the Nile and Blue Nile in a succession of admixture events (53).

Skoglund and Mathieson’s preprint has also been published in the same volume, without meaningful changes.

Related:

Genetic ancestry of Hadza and Sandawe peoples reveals ancient population structure in Africa

Open access paper Genetic Ancestry of Hadza and Sandawe Peoples Reveals Ancient Population Structure in Africa, by Shriner, Tekola-Ayele, Adeyemo, & Rotimi, GBE (2018).

Abstract (emphasis mine):

The Hadza and Sandawe populations in present-day Tanzania speak languages containing click sounds and therefore thought to be distantly related to southern African Khoisan languages. We analyzed genome-wide genotype data for individuals sampled from the Hadza and Sandawe populations in the context of a global data set of 3,528 individuals from 163 ethno-linguistic groups. We found that Hadza and Sandawe individuals share ancestry distinct from and most closely related to Omotic ancestry; share Khoisan ancestry with populations such as ≠Khomani, Karretjie, and Ju/’hoansi in southern Africa; share Niger-Congo ancestry with populations such as Yoruba from Nigeria and Luhya from Kenya, consistent with migration associated with the Bantu Expansion; and share Cushitic ancestry with Somali, multiple Ethiopian populations, the Maasai population in Kenya, and the Nama population in Namibia. We detected evidence for low levels of Arabian, Nilo-Saharan, and Pygmy ancestries in a minority of individuals. Our results indicate that west Eurasian ancestry in eastern Africa is more precisely the Arabian parent of Cushitic ancestry. Relative to the Out-of-Africa migrations, Hadza ancestry emerged early whereas Sandawe ancestry emerged late.

Excerpts:

Introduction
In the Hadza population, the distribution of Y chromosomes includes mostly B2 haplogroups, with a smaller number of E1b1a haplogroups, which are common in Niger-Congo-speaking populations, and E1b1b haplogroups, which are common in Cushitic populations (Tishkoff, et al. 2007). In the Sandawe population, E1b1a and E1b1b haplogroups are more common, with lower frequencies of B2 and A3b2 haplogroups (Tishkoff, et al. 2007).

Conclusion
We found that Hadza ancestry diverged early, rather than late. We found evidence for contributions of Cushitic and Niger-Congo ancestries in Tanzania, consistent with the movements of herding and cultivating Cushitic speakers ~4,000 years ago and agricultural Niger-Congo speakers ~2,500 years ago (Newman 1995). However, we did not find evidence of a substantial contribution of Nilo-Saharan ancestry that might have resulted from movement of pastoralist Nilo-Saharan speakers (Newman 1995). We also identified west Eurasian ancestry in eastern and southern African populations more precisely as the Arabian parent of Cushitic ancestry. Finally, our ancestry analyses support the hypothesis that Omotic, Hadza, and Sandawe languages group together, rather than Omotic languages belonging to the Afroasiatic family and Hadza and Sandawe languages belonging to the Khoisan family.

I don’t like linguistic assumptions from admixture analysis; especially from scarce modern samples, as in this case.

Nevertheless, these papers may help clarify the different nature of Omotic and Cushitic among Afroasiatic languages, and thus leave the origin of Afroasiatic either:

a) To the east, with the traditionalist Afroasiatic – Semitic/Hamitic homeland association.

afroasiatic-homeland
Expansion of Afroasiatic

b) To the west, near modern Chadic languages (associated with the expansion of R1b-V88 subclades through a Green Sahara), as I suggested.

Related: